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Australia’s Energy Policy Has One Foot on Each Pedal

Australia wants to become a renewable energy superpower. It also continues to spend heavily supporting coal, gas and the infrastructure that supports it.

That is not so much an energy transition as an attempt to drive in opposite directions without damaging the gearbox.

WWF-Australia’s Energy Crossroads report puts a figure on that contradiction. It estimates that Australian governments provide $20.1 billion in fossil-fuel support each year, compared with $4.6 billion for clean energy. In other words, the old system receives more than four times as much public backing as the one supposedly being built to replace it.

Where the money goes

Most fossil fuel support comes from the Commonwealth.

The report counts about $16.2 billion in federal assistance, much of it delivered through tax concessions including the Fuel Tax Credits Scheme. Another $900 million goes towards federal energy security measures, while state governments contribute an estimated $3 billion.

Clean energy receives $2.5 billion in direct federal spending and $2.1 billion from the states. That funding covers household programs, renewable energy projects, transmission, renewable energy zones and storage.

These figures exclude concessional finance and government underwriting, but the overall direction is hardly subtle. Public policy is still making fossil fuel use cheaper while asking renewable energy, electrification and emerging green industries to fight for the remaining capital, workers and political attention.

Australia’s curious double life

At home, Australia has made genuine progress.

Renewables supplied a record 46.5 per cent of electricity in the National Electricity Market during the first quarter of 2026. Australian households remain world leaders in rooftop solar, more than 400,000 home battery systems have been installed through the federal program, and Australia is now the world’s third-largest utility-scale battery market.

That would all look like a fairly convincing transition if you stopped reading there.

At the export terminals, however, it is a different story. Australia remains the world’s second-largest exporter of fossil fuel emissions, while governments continue approving coal and liquefied natural gas projects intended to operate well into the 2050s and, in some cases, the 2080s.

So Australia promotes renewable partnerships overseas while maintaining policies that expand fossil fuel production at home. One department sells the green future, another keeps extending the life of the old one, and Treasury uses the government’s unique spending power to underwrite both—directing public economic capacity into competing priorities.

Calling this a hedge makes it sound financially clever. The report’s argument is that it is anything but.

Why households should care

Government support for fossil fuels is not merely an argument about budget spreadsheets or international climate conferences. It affects the prices paid by households and businesses.

Gas prices on Australia’s east coast are connected to international LNG markets. When overseas prices rise, domestic gas becomes more expensive. Gas-fired generators can then push up wholesale electricity prices when they are called on during peak periods.

In practical terms, an international supply shock can find its way into the power bill of someone living thousands of kilometres from the trouble.

More renewable generation and storage are gradually weakening this connection, but continued reliance on gas leaves the electricity system exposed to the next price spike. Spending public money to preserve that exposure is a strange definition of energy security.

The public return is also less impressive once the costs running in the other direction are included.

WWF-Australia estimates that fossil fuels contribute about $23 billion net to government budgets each year. By comparison, applying an internationally published social-cost-of-carbon estimate to Australia’s annual emissions produces an estimated climate damage cost of roughly $112 billion. On that basis, the fiscal contribution is equivalent to only about one-fifth of the wider estimated cost.

Royalties and taxes are real, of course. So are the subsidies, disaster costs, health effects and environmental damage that rarely make it into the triumphant press release.

Super is backing the past too

Australia’s retirement savings system shows a similar imbalance.

The country’s 30 largest superannuation funds have directly invested only $771 million in Australian renewable energy projects since 2020. Over the same period, those funds held more than $33 billion in companies expanding fossil fuel production.

The report argues that the Your Future, Your Super performance test contributes to the problem. By concentrating on shorter-term performance against benchmarks, the rules can make long-duration projects such as transmission, renewable generation and industrial decarbonisation appear less attractive.

This matters because large clean-energy developments need patient capital. Transmission lines, green manufacturing plants and new industrial systems are not built between quarterly performance reports.

When regulation makes long-term transition projects look unusually risky, money goes somewhere easier. At the moment, a great deal of it is still finding its way into fossil fuel expansion.

Our customers are not standing still

Australia’s major trading partners across the Indo-Pacific have their own reasons to reduce fossil fuel dependence.

Many import enormous quantities of coal, oil and gas, leaving their economies exposed to international price shocks and supply disruptions. Renewable energy and electrification offer them a way to produce more energy domestically and avoid sending quite so much money overseas whenever global fuel markets have another episode.

Investment patterns show where this is heading. Outside China, clean-energy investment across the Indo-Pacific is running at about 2.1 times fossil fuel investment. In China, the ratio is approximately 2.4 to one.

These countries are not only installing renewable technologies. They are also manufacturing solar panels, batteries, wind turbines and equipment needed for their new energy system.

Australia, meanwhile, is directing four times more government support towards fossil fuels than clean energy and hoping its customers continue buying the old products for long enough to make the contradiction someone else’s problem.

The report estimates that the regional energy transition could reduce the value of Australia’s fossil fuel exports by as much as $70 billion by 2035. Lower demand will also bring greater competition between exporters, particularly as cheaper LNG suppliers enter the market.

Fossil fuel demand will not disappear tomorrow, but assuming it will remain a dependable foundation for decades is looking increasingly brave.

The opportunity cost

Australia has considerable advantages in renewable energy, minerals and industrial capability. Estimates cited in the source place the potential value of renewable exports at $300 billion to $400 billion a year.

That opportunity is not guaranteed simply because Australia has plenty of sunshine and a large mining industry.

Green iron, green ammonia and other energy-intensive export industries require enormous amounts of reliable, low-cost renewable electricity. They also need transmission, storage, credible carbon policy and enough certainty for investors to commit serious money.

Those industries compete with fossil fuel projects for capital, engineering expertise, construction workers, infrastructure and government support. They cannot be developed in a separate economic universe where the decisions made for coal and gas have no effect on anything else.

Keeping fossil fuel incentives in place can also weaken the commercial case for electrification. The Fuel Tax Credits Scheme, for example, reduces diesel costs for heavy industry. That may help existing operations today, but it can also make electric alternatives less financially attractive and delay investment in cleaner equipment.

The result is a policy system that claims to encourage transition while subsidising reasons to postpone it.

A managed exit, not a cliff edge

The report does not propose switching off fossil fuel exports overnight and wishing affected workers the best of luck.

It calls for a planned decline, with separate and predictable timelines for thermal coal, metallurgical coal and gas. Regional communities, workers and state governments would need transition plans developed with them rather than dropped on them from Canberra.

The second task is to build the replacement system faster. That means expanding renewable generation, storage and transmission while supporting electrification across homes, transport and industry. Without abundant and affordable clean electricity at home, promises about green exports will remain mostly promotional material.

The third task is to redirect policy and public money. Fossil fuel incentives should be gradually reformed, remaining resource revenue should help finance regional transition, and superannuation rules should stop discouraging long-term investment in clean infrastructure.

None of this removes risk. It shifts Australia from waiting for change to happen towards managing something that is already under way.

The real gamble

Supporting fossil fuels and renewables at the same time is often presented as a safe middle course. It protects today’s income, the argument goes, while preparing Australia for tomorrow.

The trouble is that tomorrow’s industries need investment today.

Every dollar and real resource committed to extending fossil-fuel dependence carries an opportunity cost: equivalent support for transmission, electrification, storage or green manufacturing requires additional revenue, borrowing, reprioritisation or use of limited economic capacity. Every new long-lived gas or coal asset increases the chance that taxpayers will eventually be asked to rescue it, replace it or clean up after it.

Australia does not have to choose between an immediate economic shock and pretending fossil fuel markets will remain unchanged forever.

It can plan the decline, protect affected communities and build the system that comes next.

That would be a hedge worth having.

About the report’s publisher

WWF-Australia is an environmental charity and part of the international WWF network. Its work focuses on nature conservation, climate change and communities, and it advocates for policies consistent with those aims.

The organisation is supported through a mix of donations, bequests, grants and partnerships with governments, businesses, foundations and other supporters. It publishes annual reports and financial statements outlining its funding and activities.

The full report can be found here - ENERGY CROSSROADS Why managing fossil fuel decline is key to Australia’s green export future

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